نشریه مطالعات تاریخی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 15 (بهار و تابستان 1399)

The issue of identification the Shiite religion has always been one of the intellectual, political and social concerns of the Shiites of Afghanistan in current history. Based on library studies and fieldwork research and descriptive-analytical method, this article examines the most important factors in reviving the Shiite religion in Afghanistan and how it is realized. How has been the position of the Shiite religion in government systems from the time of Abdul Rahman Khan to Hamid Karzai period? What are the influential factors in the process of its formalization, from the stage of identity crisis to its consolidation in the constitution? What are its political and social consequences? In response, it should be mentioned that the role of Shiite religious scholars, including the scientific and cultural actions of Ayatollah Seyyed Mir Ali Ahmad Hojjat, the intellectual movement and revolutionary movement of Allama Shahid Seyyed Ismail Balkhi and the effective scientific-cultural role of Ayatollah Mohammad Asif Mohseni, are among the effective factors in consolidation of Shia in constitution of the country. They also strengthened the issue of approximation of religions debate and brotherhood in Islam, leading to socio-political interactions between Shiites and Sunnis. Explaining the position of Shiites in the previous government systems is based on the constitutional criteria of the government of Hamid Karzai. This study shows that Shiite scholars in Afghanistan through the approximation of religions debate and Islamic brotherhood and social interactions with Sunni scholars and political men, were able to establish Jafari jurisprudence and Shiite socio-political rights in the constitution and consequently, formalize the law “ Ahwal Shakhsia of Shiite”.

The identity and religion of Ikhwan -al Safa, which was a secret organization in the Islamic Middle Ages, is the subject of study by a large number of current scholars. Regarding the religion of Ikhwan- al-Safa, there are differences among scholars that have inevitably led them to different theories in explaining their religion. This article tries to evaluate the scientific validity of each prominent theories expressed in the explanation of the religion by descriptive-analytical method. In this article, while dealing with the identity of Ikhwan Al-Safa, the prominent theories that have been proposed by current scholars in explaining this religion, have been examined and criticized. Among the two theories of atheism and faith, the theory of atheism, was rejected and among the theories on their faith, the theories: Mu'tazilites, Ismailis, Imamis, Zaidis and Sufis were recognized as weak. However, the integrated theory, which seemed more appropriate, was recognized as an almost correct theory.

Fazlullah ibn Roozbehan Khanji sought to explain the legitimacy of the governments of Aqquyunlu (780-908 AH) and Sheibani (906-1007 AH) by using components such as the hadith of ؟, the hadith of Harith, and the news of Malhamah and introduce then as reformer and savior. This khanji approach first emerged in the form of ????? hadith about the Aghquyunlus. But after he joined Sheibanian, it took on a more elaborate form. Because in this period, using two other components, namely the hadith of Harith and the news of Malhamah, he tried to generalize his reformist and promised-based views about the Sheibanis. With this approach, the Sheibanid rule, in particular, has the characteristics of the promised saviors and apocalyptic reformers. Of course, it should be noted that Khanji explanations using these three components, had a lot relation with the emersion of the Safavids. Because according to his beliefs, the emersion of this Shiite government, had prepared many innovations in various field. Therefore, it was necessary for an individual or a group to appear as a reformer at this time) which was considered as the apocalypse, and to reform this abnormal situation.

There were various factors in the process of growth and prosperity of astronomy, as one of the important sciences in Islamic civilization, which began in the second century AH. The transfer of the Chaldean and Greek astronomical traditions to the Islamic astronomy by the Sabeans of Harran can be considered as a key factor in the development of this science in the realm of Islamic civilization  This article intends to study the influence and role of Sabean of Harran on astronomy in Islamic civilization by using descriptive-analytical method and citing existing sources, researches and articles and to answer these questions: what factors led that Sabeans influenced in the flourishing of astronomy in Islam? and what effect did they have on the development of astronomy in Islamic civilization? The findings of this study indicate that in the first place, factors such as: the status and sanctity of astronomy in the religion of Harran Sabeans, translation of Greek-Syriac texts, the need for the caliphate and the importance of religious rules, led Sabean Harran Sabeans influenced the flourishing of Islamic astronomy. Then, by translating and criticizing Majasti's book, they achieved rare achievements in the field of Islamic astronomy, and through this, they were able to facilitate the development of this science in Islamic civilization.

Social and political movements are a kind of reaction and response to environmental political and social developments. In such a process, existing ideologies may be challenged and the atmosphere of society may be in crisis. Many Islamic movements use the original Islamic principles as an exit and response to the new situation. Ikhwan-al-Muslemin, as one of the most influential Islamic movements in the current period, appeared in response to the developments of the Islamic society, especially Egypt and in stages, it passed from a moral movement into a cohesive organization in order to influence this society. The main question of this research is that: how formed the relations of Ikwan-al Muslemin with Egyptian governments? This movement in a time sought to realize the ideal of the Islamic Caliphate in the Islamic world and the establishment of an Islamic government in Egypt. But in another period, while fedility to his lofty ideals, he sought to adapt to the new conditions.  As in a later period, unlike the period of "idealism", (which had little desire to participate in the power), it began to participate in the formal structure of power in this country. (Hypothesis) The present article intends to examine the interactive or confrontational relations of Ikhwan-al-Muslemin with the Egyptian governments from the formation to the end of the presidency of Hosni Mubarak. (goal) we have used the theory “collective action” and a descriptive -analytical method. Relations between Ikhwan-al-Muslemin and Egyptian governments was influenced by the actions of internal forces and a reaction to regional developments and foreign intervention. it was sometimes coercive and confrontational, and sometimes (due to common goals, government reform measures and recognition of groups), was peaceful.

In the age of ignorance, people were attributed to their fathers and women were considered the only means of raising a child and had no role in the lineage of their children. With the sending of Surah Kawthar, God abrogated the ignorant image of women and with the attribution of Jesus (by his mother) to Abraham (PBUT) ، he held the status of women as prominent as men. In the meantime, it is thought that some edicts in Imami jurisprudence, such as the jurisprudential edict: " khums should not be paid to those whose mother is a Sayyed" has led to the humiliation of the dignity of women. The method of this research is historical analysis and data gathering is in library. By analyzing the characteristics of siadat in historical texts and Imami jurisprudence, the author has studied some aspects of the interaction and contradiction of this jurisprudential edict with the Qur'an and Sunnah. The findings of the research show that what is the basis for issuing the edict of Khums about mother Sayyeds is not compatible with the verses of the Qur'an and the manners of the Ahl al-Bayt and modern scientific standards. The most of Imami jurists in allocating khums, based on a customary and contractual matter (our sons and sons of our sons and our daughters are ours but sons of daughters are not mine), have considered the attribution of a father to Hashem as a criterion of siadat.

The dominant thoughts and ideal beliefs have always been the generators of specific ideologies in the target societies. The continuation of this ideology increases its mobility and current feature. In the last three centuries, this word, under the influence of the ideas of thinkers of this time, has created a special dynamism in human habitat. Ideological movements based on liberalism and Marxism, describing the confrontation over the concept of justice and individual freedoms, have been among the ideologies involved in the general policies of human societies in general and criminal policies in particular. Criminal policy, as a technique and art of fighting against crime in Afghanistan, has also been influenced by these two ideologies. This country, during the governments of Davood Khan, Babrak Karmal, Hafiz Amin and Dr. Najib, due to the influence of the Marxist movement through the channels of countries such as the former Soviet Union, China and Iran, had its own criminal-legislative policy; But it could not be valid. Afghanistan has not been without its experience of totalism. Hence, the culmination of totalism appeared in the rise of the Taliban and its fossilizied laws, and it still exists more or less. The emersion of the ideology of Talibanism was the result of the failure of the Mujahideen in the discourse of political Islamism over power and its division. Afghanistan was not lack of the influence of Western liberalism on its criminal-legislative policy and during the rule of Amanullah Khan (1929-1929), the decade of democracy (1963-1973) and the beginning of the transitional government in 2003 under the leadership of Hamid Karzai, showed its legislative fidelity to the principles of the above current.

In the fourth and fifth lunar centuries, the center of maritime trade was in the ports of the Persian Gulf; But, due to the political stagnation of Albuyeh, the Persian Gulf maritime trade was challenged and shifted to the east and west of the Red Sea and the north of Egypt. Therefore, it is very important to study this shift. This paper, by collecting data in geographical and historical sources and with a descriptive-analytical approach to understanding the commercial status of important ports in the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, examines how the maritime trade center moves from the Persian Gulf to the east and west of the Red Sea. The result of the research is that active and dynamic Iranian merchants in these centuries played a prominent role in the prosperity of the Red Sea ports, and then the northern ports of Egypt, by shifting trade and migrating centers to the ports and coasts of the Red Sea. This process took place with the appropriate policy of the Buyid dynasty and Fatimid governments for foreign traders and was also effective in the commercial power of these governments against rival powers.

An important feature of contemporary Afghan historiography is its governmental and grammatical nature, in which the role of non-Pashtun tribes has been diminished or neglected due to governance policies. Hence, other tribes have reacted to it and tried to tell their own story of history. Meanwhile, Hazara historians have provided the most serious reaction in the form of historical writings compared to other tribes. An important question in this regard is the historiographical approaches of Hazara historians, which is the purpose of this article. This has been done by comparative study of Hazara writings and official historiography. The findings show that because Hazara historiography is a reaction to formal historiography, they have acted similarly in many components, including approaches. The three political, ethnocentric, and ancient approaches to Hazara historiography can be traced back as formal historiography.

With the transfer of the oil concession to William Knox Darcy in 1901, followed by the discovery of oil in the Masjed Soleyman oil field in June 1908 and the establishment of the Abadan refinery in 1912, the primary nuclei of the manpower working in Oil fields were formed in the oil-rich regions of Khuzestan. Since then, manpower from outside and inside Iran has migrated to the oil-rich areas of Khuzestan to work in oil facilities. The present study, by combining descriptive-analytical method and statistical method (cliometric) and using documents, historical sources and new research, seeks to answer the question that the human resources working in the Iranian oil industry from the beginning to the nationalization of this Industry in 1330/1951 AD, according to what criteria were hired and organized? Findings indicate that the forces working in the Iranian oil industry in the oil-rich regions of Khuzestan can be studied and evaluated in two categories of Iranian forces (workers-employees) and foreign forces.

The establishment of the Safavid government was due to the association of the Ghezelbash Sufis with the Safavid dynasty and the continued reliance of this family on the support of the Ghezelbashan could have led to the superiority of the Ghali Sufi thought over the Shiite followers. The followers of the Safavid sect imagined a transcendental image of the Shah that was inconsistent with the theory of the general representation of the jurists in order to manage affairs in the time of the Absent Imam. This attitude evolved from the beginning of Safavid rule until the rise of Shah Abbas I, and eventually led to a change in the legitimacy of the Shah from the religious way to the religious law. The purpose of this article is to analyze how the religious policy of Shah Abbas changed and the main question is what were the reasons for the change of Sufi to Shiite religious attitude in the period of Shah Abbas? It is assumed that this change intensified during the reign of Shah Abbas, and the results of this study show that the change of Shah Abbas's religious policy was due to the strengthening of the ulema as representatives of Sharia. The approach of this article is to emphasize the change in the historical course of Shiism and Sufism, which eventually convert the interaction between them into conflict.